True Version of the Philippine Revolution written by Don Emilio Aguinaldo y Famy
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Don Emilio Aguinaldo y Famy >> True Version of the Philippine Revolution
These statements, which were translated by my interpreter, Sr. Leyba,
made such an impression on the Admiral that he interrupted,
asking--"Why did you reveal our secret?" Do you mean that you do not
intend to keep inviolate our well understood silence and watchword?
I said in reply that I had revealed nothing of the secret connected
with him and the Consul.
The Admiral then thanked me for my cautiousness, bid we good-by and
left with General Anderson, after requesting me to refrain from
assaulting Manila because, he said, they were studying a plan to
take the Walled City with their troops, leaving the suburbs for the
Filipino forces.
He advised me, nevertheless, to study other plans of taking the city
in conjunction with their forces, which I agreed to do.
CHAPTER XII
More American Troops
A few days later American troops arrived, and with them came
General Merritt. The Admiral's Secretary and two officers came to
the Dictatoriat Government and asked that we allow them to occupy our
trenches at Maytubig; from the harbour side of that place right up to
the main road, where they would form a continuation of our lines at
Pasay and Singalong. This I also agreed to on account of the solemn
promises of the Admiral and the trust naturally placed in them owing
to the assistance rendered and recognition of our independence.
Ten days after the Americans occupied the trenches at Maytubig (this
move being well known by the Spaniards who were entrenched at the
Magazine in San Antonio Abad) their outposts, composed of a few men
only, were surprised by the Spaniards, who made a night attack on
them. They had barely time to get out of their beds and fall back
on the centre, abandoning their rifles and six field-guns in their
precipitate retreat.
The firing being distinctly heard, our troops immediately rushed to
the assistance of our friends and allies, repulsing the Spaniards and
recapturing the rifles and field-guns, which I ordered to be returned
to the Americans as a token of our good-will and friendship.
General Noriel was opposed to this restitution, alleging that the arms
did not belong to the Americans since the Filipino troops captured
them from the Spaniards. But I paid no attention to the reasonable
opposition of my General and gave imperative instructions that they
be returned to the Americans, showing thereby clearly and positively
the good-will of the Filipinos. The said rifles and field-guns, with
a large quantity of ammunition, was therefore restored to those who
were then our allies, notwithstanding the fact of General Noriel's
brigade capturing them at a cost of many lives of our compatriots.
Later on more American reinforcements arrived and again Admiral Dewey,
through his Secretary, asked for more trenches for their troops,
averring that those which we had given up to them before were
insufficient. We at once agreed and their lines were then extended
up to Pasay.
CHAPTER XIII
The Thirteenth of August
The 13th August arrived, on which day I noticed a general advance
of the American land and sea forces towards Manila, the former being
under command of General Anderson at Paranaque.
Subsequently I ordered a general assault of the Spanish lines and
in the course of this movement General Pio del Pilar succeeded in
advancing through Sampalok and attacked the Spanish troops who where
defending the Puente Colgante, [3] causing the enemy to fall back on
the Bridge of Spain. The column commanded by our General, Sr. Gregorio
II. del Pilar, took the suburbs of Pretil, Tendo, Divisoria and Paseo
de Azcarraga, situated north of Manila city; while General Noriel's
command, near Pasay, took the suburbs of Singalong and Pako, and
following the American column he out-flanked the Spaniards who were
defending San Antonio Abad. The Spanish officers observing General
Noriel's move ordered their men to retreat towards the Walled City,
whereupon the Americans who held the foremost trenches entered Malate
and Ermita without firing a shot. At this point the Americans met
General Noriel's troops who had captured the above mentioned suburbs
and were quartered in the building formerly used by the Exposicion
Regional de Filipinas, [4] in the Normal, and in Sr. Perez' house
in Paco.
In Santa Ana (the eastern section of Manila) General Ricarto
successfully routed five companies of Spaniards, being aided in this
by the manoeuvres of General Pio del Pilar's brigade.
CHAPTER XIV
First Clouds
Our troops saw the American forces landing on the sea shore near the
Luneta and Paseo de Santa Lucia, calling the attention of everybody to
the fact that the Spanish soldiers in the city forts were not firing
on them (the Americans), a mystery that was cleared up at sunset
when details of the capitulation of Manila, by General Jaudenes in
accordance with terms of an agreement with General Merritt, became
public property--a capitulation which the American Generals reserved
for their own benefit and credit in contravention of the agreement
arrived at with Admiral Dewey in the arrangement of plans for the
final combined assault on and capture of Manila by the allied forces,
American and Filipino.
Some light was thrown upon this apparently inexplicable conduct of the
American Commanders by the telegrams which I received during that day
from General Anderson, who wired me from Maitubig asking me to issue
orders forbidding our troops to enter Manila, a request which I did
not comply with because it was not in conformity with the agreement,
and it was, moreover, diametrically opposed to the high ends of the
Revolutionary Government, that after going to the trouble of besieging
Manila for two months and a half, sacrificing thousands of lives and
millions of material interests, it should be supposed such sacrifices
were made with any other object in view than the capture of Manila
and the Spanish garrison which stubbornly defended the city.
But General Merritt, persistent in his designs, begged me not only
through the Admiral but also through Major Bell to withdraw my
troops from the suburbs to (as it was argued) prevent the danger
of conflict which is always to be looked for in the event of dual
military occupation; also by so doing to avoid bringing ridicule upon
the American forces; offering, at the same time, in three letters,
to negotiate after his wishes were complied with. To this I agreed,
though neither immediately nor at one time, but making our troops
retire gradually up to the blockhouses in order that the whole of the
inhabitants of Manila should witness the proceedings of our troops
and amicability toward our American allies.
Up to that time, and in fact right up to the time when the Americans
openly commenced hostilities against us, I entertained in my soul
strong hopes that the American Commanders would make absolute with
their Government the verbal agreement made and entered into with the
Leader of the Philippine Revolution, notwithstanding the indications
to the contrary which were noticeable in their conduct, especially
in respect of the conduct of Admiral Dewey, who, without any reason
or justification, one day in the month of October seized all our
steamers and launches.
Being informed of this strange proceeding, and at the time when the
Revolutionary Government had its headquarters in Malolos, I despatched
a Commission to General Otis to discuss the matter with him. General
Otis gave the Commissioners a letter of recommendation to the Admiral
to whom he referred them; but the Admiral declined to receive the
Commission notwithstanding General Otis's recommendation.
Notwithstanding the procedure of the American Commanders, so contrary
to the spirit of all the compacts and antecedents above mentioned,
I continued to maintain a friendly attitude towards them, sending
a Commission to General Merritt to bid him farewell on the eve of
his departure for Paris. In his acknowledgement of his courtesy
General Merritt was good enough to say that he would advocate the
Filipino Cause in the United States. In the same manner I sent to
Admiral Dewey a _punal_ [5] in a solid silver scabbard and a walking
stick of the very best cane with gold handle engraved by the most
skilful silversmiths as a souvenir and mark of our friendship. This
the Admiral accepted, thereby in some measure relieving my feelings
and the anxiety of my compatriots constituting the Revolutionary
Government, whose hearts were again filled with pleasant hopes of a
complete understanding with Admiral Dewey.
CHAPTER XV
Vain Hopes
Vain indeed became these hope when news arrived that Admiral Dewey
had acted and was continuing to act against the Revolutionary
Government by order of His Excellency Mr. McKinley, who, prompted
by the "Imperialist" party, had decided to annex the Philippines,
granting, in all probability, concessions to adventurers to exploit
the immense natural wealth lying concealed under our virgin soil.
This news was received in the Revolutionary camp like a thunderbolt out
of a clear sky. Some cursed the hour and the day we treated verbally
with the Americans; some denounced the ceding of the suburbs, while
others again were of opinion that a Commission should be sent to
General Otis to draw from him clear and positive declarations on the
situation, drawing up a treaty of amity and commerce if the United
States recognize our independence or at once commence hostilities if
the States refused.
In this crisis I advised moderation and prudence, for I still had
confidence in the justice and rectitude of United States Congress,
which, I believed, would not approve the designs of the Imperialist
party and would give heed to the declarations of Admiral Dewey, who,
in the capacity of an exalted Representative of the United States in
these Islands concerted and covenanted with me and the people of the
Philippines recognition of our independence.
In fact in no other way was such a serious matter to be regarded,
for if America entrusted to Admiral Dewey the honour of her forces in
such a distant region, surely the Filipinos might equally place their
trust in the word of honour of such a polished, chivalrous gentleman
and brave sailor, in the firm belief, of course, that the great and
noble American people would neither reject his decision nor expose
to ridicule the illustrious conqueror of the Spanish fleet.
In the same way the not less known and notorious circumstances, that
the American Commanders who came soon after the echoes of the Admiral's
victory reached their native shores, namely, Generals Merritt, Anderson
and Otis, proclaimed to the people of the Philippines that America _did
not come to conquer territories, but to liberate its inhabitants from
the oppression of Spanish Sovereignty_. I would therefore also expose
to universal ridicule and contempt the honour of these Commanders
if the United States, by repudiating their official and public acts,
attempts to annex these islands by conquest.
CHAPTER XVI
The American Commission
With such prudent as well as well founded reflections, I succeeded
in calming my companions shortly before the official news arrived
reporting that the Washington Government, acting on Admiral Dewey's
suggestion, had intimated its intention to despatch a Civil Commission
to Manila which would treat with the Filipinos with a view to arriving
at a definite understanding respecting the government of the Islands.
Joy and satisfaction now filled the breasts of all the Revolutionists,
and I thereupon set about the appointment of a Commission to meet the
American Commissioners. At the same time I gave strict orders that
the most friendly relations should be maintained with the Americans,
enjoining toleration and overlooking of the abuses and atrocities
of the soldiery because the effect on the Commissioners would not be
good it they found us at loggerheads with their nation's forces.
But the abases of the Americans were now becoming intolerable. In the
market-place at Arroceros they killed a woman and a little boy under
the pretext that they were surprising a gambling den, thus causing the
greatest indignation of a great concourse of people in that vicinity.
My Adjutants, too, who hold passes permitting them to enter Manila
with their uniform and sidearms, were molested by being repeatedly
stopped by every patrol they met, it, being perfectly evident that,
the intention was to irritate them by exposing them to public ridicule.
While this sort of thing was going on as against our people the
American Commanders and officers who visited our camp were treated
with the utmost courtesy and consideration.
In Lacoste Street an American guard shot and killed a boy seven years
of age for taking a banana from a Chinaman.
The searching of houses was carried on just as it was during the
Spanish regime, while the American soldiers at the outposts often
invaded our lines, thus irritating our sentries. It would make this
book a very large volume if I continued to state seriatim the abuses
and atrocities committed by the American soldiery in those days of
general anxiety.
It seemed as if the abuses were authorised or at least winked at
in official quarters for the purpose of provoking an outbreak of
hostilities. Excitement ran high among all classes of people, but the
Filipino Government, which had assumed responsibility for the acts
of the people, by the constant issue of prudent orders succeeded
in calming the excited populace and maintained peace, advising all
sufferers to be patient and prudent pending the arrival of the Civil
Commission.
CHAPTER XVII
Impolitic Acts
At such a critical juncture as this, and before the anxiously-awaited
Civil Commission arrived, it occurred to General Otis, Commandant of
the American forces, to commit two more impolitic acts. One of them
was the order to search our telegraph offices in Sagunro Street, in
Tondo, where the searching party seized the apparatus and detained
the officer in charge, Sr. Reyna, in the Fuerza Santiago [6] under
the pretext that he was conspiring against the Americans.
How and why was Sr. Reyna conspiring? Was not this sufficient for
the Filipino Government to give the order to attack and rescue Reyna
and thereby we (eight thousand strong) be plunged immediately into
war with the United States? Was there any reason for conspiring when
the power was in our own hands? And, above all, would a telegraphist,
be likely to interfere in _affaires de guerre_ when there was an army
near by to attend to such matters?
It was abundantly manifest that the object was by wounding the feelings
of and belittling the Filipino Government to provoke a collision, and
it was clear also that this system of exasperating us was not merely
the wanton act of the soldiery but was actually prompted by General
Otis himself, who, imbued with imperialistic tendencies, regarded the
coming of the Civil Commission with disfavour and especially would it
be unsatisfactory that this Commission should find the Philippines in
a state of perfect tranquility, because it was evident to the said
General, as well as to the whole world, that the Filipinos would
assuredly have arrived at a definite amicable agreement with the
aforesaid Commission if it reached the islands while peace prevailed.
We, the Filipinos, would have received the Commission with open
arms and complete accord as honourable Agents of the great American
nation. The Commissioners could have visited all our provinces,
seeing and taking note of the complete tranquility throughout our
territory. They could have seen our cultivated lands, examined our
Constitution and investigated the administration of public affairs in
perfect peace and safety, and have felt and enjoyed the inimitable
charm of our Oriental style,--half negligent, half solicitude,
warmth and chilliness, simple confidence and suspiciousness;
characteristics which cause descriptions of contact with us to be
depicted by foreigners in thousands of different hues.
Ah! but neither did General Otis nor the Imperialists wish for
such a landscape. It was better for their criminal designs that
the American Commission should view the desolation and horrors of
war in the Philippines, inhaling on the very day of their arrival
the revolting odour emitted from American and Filipino corpses. It
was better for their purposes that that gentleman, Mr. Schurman,
President of the Commission, should return from Manila, limiting
his investigation to inquiries among the few Filipinos, who, seduced
with gold, were siding with the Imperialists. It were better for them
that the Commission should view the Philippines problem through fire
and slaughter, in the midst of whizzing bullets and the uncontrolled
passion of infuriated foes, thus preventing them from forming correct
judgment of the exact and natural conditions of the problem. Ah! it
was, lastly, better that the Commission return to the States defeated
in its mission of obtaining peace and blaming me and other Filipinos
for its inability to settle matters, when, in reality, I and all the
Philippine people were longing that that peace had been concluded
yesterday,--long before now--but an honest and honourable peace,
honourable alike for the United States and the Philippine Republic
in order that it be sincere and everlasting.
The second impolitic act of General Otis was the issue of a
proclamation on the 4th of January, 1899, asserting in the name
of President McKinley the sovereignty of America in these islands,
with threats of ruin, death and desolation to all who declined to
recognize it.
I, Emilio Aguinaldo--though the humble servant of all, am, as
President of the Philippine Republic, charged with the safeguarding
of the rights and independence of the people who appointed me to such
an exalted position of trust and responsibility--mistrusted for the
first time the honour of the Americans, perceiving of course that
this proclamation of General Otis completely exceeded the limits of
prudence and that therefore no other course was open to me but to
repel with arms such unjust and unexpected procedure on the part of
the commander of friendly forces.
I protested, therefore, against such a proclamation--also threatening
an immediate rupture of friendly relations,--for the whole populace was
claiming that an act of treason had been committed, plausibly asserting
that the announcement of the Commission applied for by Admiral Dewey
was a ruse, and that what General Otis was scheming for was to keep
us quiet while he brought reinforcement after reinforcement from the
United States for the purpose of crashing our untrained and badly
equipped Army with one blow.
But now General Otis acted for the first time like a diplomatist,
and wrote me, through his Secretary, Mr. Carman, a letter inviting the
Filipino Government to send a Commission to meet an American Commission
for the purpose of arriving at an amicable arrangement between both
parties; and although I placed no trust in the professions of friendly
intentions of the said General--whose determination to prevent the
Commission arriving at a peaceful solution of the difficulties was
already evident--I acceded to the request, partly because I saw
the order, dated 9th January, given by the above mentioned General
confirmed, and on the other hand to show before the whole world my
manifest wishes for the conservation of peace and friendship with
the United States, solemnly compacted with Admiral Dewey.
CHAPTER XVIII
The Mixed Commission
Conferences of the Mixed Commission, Americans and Filipinos, were
held in Manila from the 11th to the 31st of the said month of January,
the Filipino Commissioners clearly expressing the wish of our people
for recognition as an independent nation.
They also frankly stated the complaints of the Filipino people about
the abuses and atrocities of the American soldiery, being attentively
and benevolently listened to by the American Commissioners. The
latter replied that they had no authority to recognize the Filipino
Government, their mission being limited to hearing what the Filipinos
said, to collect data to formulate the will of our people and
transmit it fully and faithfully to the Government of Washington,
who alone could arrive at a definite decision on the subject. These
conferences ended in perfect harmony, auguring well for happier times
and definite peace when Mr. McKinley should reply to General Otis's
telegrams transmitting our wishes with his favourable recommendations,
as the American Commissioners said.
CHAPTER XIX
Outbreak of Hostilities
While I, the Government, the Congress and the entire populace were
awaiting the arrival of such a greatly desired reply, many fairly
overflowing with pleasant thoughts, there came the fatal day of
the 4th February, during the night of which day the American forces
suddenly attacked all our lines, which were in fact at the time almost
deserted, because being Saturday, the day before a regular feast day,
our Generals and some of the most prominent officers had obtained
leave to pass the Sabbath with their respective families.
General Pantaleon Garcia was the only one who at such a critical
moment was at his post in Maypajo, north of Manila, Generals Noriel,
Rizal and Ricarte and Colonels San Miguel, Cailles and others being
away enjoying their leave.
General Otis, according to trustworthy information, telegraphed to
Washington stating that the Filipinos had attacked the American
Army. President McKinley read aloud the telegram in the Senate,
where the Treaty of Paris of the 10th December, 1898, was being
discussed with a view to its ratification, the question of annexation
of the Philippines being the chief subject of debate, and through
this criminal procedure secured the acceptation of the said Treaty
_in toto_ by a majority of only three votes, [7] which were cast
simultaneously with a declaration that the voters sided with the
"Ayes" on account of war having broken out in these Islands.
This singular comedy could not continue for a great length of time
because the Filipinos could never be the aggressors as against the
American forces, with whom we had sworn eternal friendship and in
whose power we expected to find the necessary protection to enable
us to obtain recognition of our independence from the other Powers.
The confusion and obfuscation of the first moments was indeed great,
but before long it gave place to the light of Truth which shone forth
serene, bringing forth serious reflections.
When sensible people studied the acts of Mr. McKinley, sending
reinforcement after reinforcement to Manila at a time after an
armistice was agreed upon and even when peace with Spain prevailed;
when they took into account that the despatch of the Civil Commission
to settle terms of a treaty of amity with the Filipinos was being
delayed; when, too, they knew of the antecedents of my alliance
with Admiral Dewey, prepared and arranged by the American Consuls of
Singapore and Hongkong, Mr. Pratt and Mr. Wildman; when they became
acquainted with the actual state of affairs on the 4th February knowing
that the Filipinos were awaiting the reply of Mr. McKinley to the
telegram of General Otis in which he transmitted the peaceful wish of
the Filipino people of live as an independent nation; when, lastly,
they riveted their attention to the terms of the Treaty of Paris,
the approval of which, in as far as it concerned the annexation of the
Philippines, was greeted with manifestations of joy and satisfaction
by the Imperialist party led by Mr. McKinley, then their eyes were
opened to the revelations of truth, clearly perceiving the base,
selfish and inhuman policy which Mr. McKinley had followed in his
dealings with us the Filipinos, sacrificing remorselessly to their
unbridled ambition the honour of Admiral Dewey, exposing this worthy
gentleman and illustrious conqueror of the Spanish fleet to universal
ridicule; for no other deduction can follow from the fact that about
the middle of May of 1898, the U.S.S. _McCulloch_ brought me with
my revolutionary companions from Hongkong, by order of the above
mentioned Admiral, while now actually the United States squadron is
engaged in bombarding the towns and ports held by these revolutionists,
whose objective is and always has been Liberty and Independence.
The facts as stated are of recent date and must still be fresh in
the memory of all.
Those who in May, 1898, admired the courage of Admiral Dewey's sailors
and the humanitarianism of this illustrious Commander in granting
visible aid to an oppressed people to obtain freedom and independence,
surely cannot place an honest construction upon the present inhuman
war when contrasting it with those lofty and worthy sentiments.
I need not dwell on the cruelty which, from the time of the
commencement of hostilities, has characterized General Otis's
treatment of the Filipinos, shooting in secret many who declined
to sign a petition asking for autonomy. I need not recapitulate the
ruffianly abuses which the American soldiers committed on innocent
and defenseless people in Manila, shooting women and children simply
because they were leaning out of windows; entering houses at midnight
without the occupants' permission--forcing open trunks and wardrobes
and stealing money, jewellery and all valuables they came across;
breaking chairs, tables and mirrors which they could not carry away
with them, because, anyhow, they are consequences of the war, though
improper in the case of civilized forces. But what I would not leave
unmentioned is the inhuman conduct of that General in his dealings
with the Filipino Army, when, to arrange a treaty of peace with the
Civil Commission, of which Mr. Schurman was President, I thrice sent
emissaries asking for a cessation of hostilities.