True Version of the Philippine Revolution written by Don Emilio Aguinaldo y Famy
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Don Emilio Aguinaldo y Famy >> True Version of the Philippine Revolution
TRUE VERSION OF THE PHILIPPINE REVOLUTION
BY
DON EMILIO AGUINALDO Y FAMY
PRESIDENT OF THE PHILIPPINE REPUBLIC.
_Tarlak (Philippine Islands), 23rd September, 1899_.
TO ALL CIVILIZED NATIONS AND ESPECIALLY TO THE GREAT NORTH AMERICAN
REPUBLIC.
I dedicate to you this modest work with a view to informing you
respecting the international events which have occurred during the
past three years and are still going on in the Philippines, in order
that you may be fully acquainted with the facts and be thereby placed
in a position to pronounce judgment upon the issue and be satisfied
and assured of the Justice which forms the basis and is in fact the
foundation of our Cause. I place the simple truth respectfully before
and dedicate it to you as an act of homage and as testimony of my
admiration for and recognition of the wide knowledge, the brilliant
achievements and the great power of other nations, whom I salute,
in the name the Philippine nation, with every effusion of my soul.
_The Author._
CHAPTER I
The Revolution of 1896
Spain maintained control of the Philippine Islands for more than three
centuries and a half, during which period the tyranny, misconduct
and abuses of the Friars and the Civil and Military Administration
exhausted the patience of the natives and caused them to make a
desperate effort to shake off the unbearable galling yoke on the
26th and 31st August, 1896, then commencing the revolution in the
provinces of Manila and Cavite.
On these memorable days the people of Balintawak, Santa Mesa, Kalookan,
Kawit, Noveleta and San Francisco de Malabon rose against the Spaniards
and proclaimed the Independence of the Philippines, and in the course
of the next five days these uprisings were followed by the inhabitants
of the other towns in Cavite province joining in the revolt against
the Spanish Government although there was no previous arrangement
looking to a general revolt. The latter were undoubtedly moved to
action by the noble example of the former.
With regard to the rising in the province of Cavite it should be stated
that although a call to arms bearing the signatures of Don Augustin
Rieta, Don Candido Firona and myself, who were Lieutenants of the
Revolutionary Forces, was circulated there was no certainty about the
orders being obeyed, or even received by the people, for it happened
that one copy of the orders fell into the hands of a Spaniard named
Don Fernando Parga, Military Governor of the province, who at that
time was exercising the functions of Civil Governor, who promptly
reported its contents to the Captain-General of the Philippines,
Don Ramon Blanco y Erenas. The latter at once issued orders for the
Spanish troops to attack the revolutionary forces.
It would appear beyond doubt that One whom eye of man hath not
seen in his wisdom and mercy ordained that the emancipation of the
oppressed people of the Philippines should be undertaken at this time,
for otherwise it is inexplicable how men armed only with sticks and
_gulok_ [1] wholly unorganized and undisciplined, could defeat the
Spanish Regulars in severe engagements at Bakoor, Imus and Noveleta
and, in addition to making many of them prisoners, captured a large
quantity of arms and ammunition. It was owing to this astonishing
success of the revolutionary troops that General Blanco quickly
concluded to endeavour, to maintain Spanish control by the adoption
of a conciliatory policy under the pretext that thereby he could quel
the rebellion, his first act being a declaration to the effect that
it was not the purpose of his Government to oppress the people and
he had no desire "to slaughter the Filipinos.".
The Government of Madrid disapproved of General Blanco's new policy
and speedily appointed Lieutenant-General Don Camilo Polavieja to
supersede him, and despatched forthwith a large number of Regulars
to the Philippines.
General Polavieja advanced against the revolutionary forces with
16,000 men armed with Mausers, and one field battery. He had scarcely
reconquered half of Cavite province when he resigned, owing to bad
health. That was in April, 1897.
Polavieja was succeeded by the veteran General Don Fernando Primo de
Rivera, who had seen much active service. As soon as Rivera had taken
over command of the Forces he personally led his army in the assault
upon and pursuit of the revolutionary forces, and so firmly, as well
as humanely, was the campaign conducted that he soon reconquered the
whole of Cavite province and drove the insurgents into the mountains.
Then I established my headquarters in the wild and unexplored mountain
fastness of Biak-na-bato, where I formed the Republican Government
of the Philippines at the end of May, 1897.
CHAPTER II
The Treaty of Biak-na-bato
Don Pedro Alejandro Paterno (who was appointed by the Spanish
Governor-General sole mediator in the discussion of the terms of
peace) visited Biak-na-bato several times to negotiate terms of
the Treaty, which, after negotiations extending over five months,
and careful consideration had been given to each clause, was finally
completed and signed on the 14th December, 1897, the following being
the principal conditions:--
(1) That I would, and any of my associates who desired to go with me,
be free to live in any foreign country. Having fixed upon Hongkong as
my place of residence, it was agreed that payment of the indemnity
of $800,000 (Mexican) should be made in three installments, namely,
$400,000 when all the arms in Biak-na-bato were delivered to the
Spanish authorities; $200,000 when the arms surrendered amounted to
eight hundred stand; the final payment to be made when one thousand
stand of arms shall have been handed over to the authorities and the
_Te Deum_ sung in the Cathedral in Manila as thanksgiving for the
restoration of peace. The latter part of February was fixed as the
limit of time wherein the surrender of arms should be completed.
(2) The whole of the money was to be paid to me personally, leaving
the disposal of the money to my discretion and knowledge of the
understanding with my associates and other insurgents.
(3) Prior to evacuating Biak-na-bato the remainder of the insurgent
forces under Captain-General Primo de Rivera should send to
Biak-na-bato two General of the Spanish Army to be held as hostages by
my associates who remained there until I and a few of my compatriots
arrived in Hongkong and the first installment of the money payment
(namely, four hundred thousand dollars) was paid to me.
(4) It was also agreed that the religious corporations in the
Philippines be expelled and an autonomous system of government,
political and administrative, be established, though by special
request of General Primo de Rivera these conditions were not insisted
on in the drawing up of the Treaty, the General contending that such
concessions would subject the Spanish Government to severe criticism
and even ridicule.
General Primo de Rivera paid the first installment of $400,000 while
the two Generals were hold as hostages in Biak-na-bato.
We, the revolutionaries, discharged our obligation to surrender our
arms, which were over 1,000 stand, as everybody knows, it having
been published in the Manila newspapers. But the Captain General
Primo de Rivera failed to fulfill the agreement as faithfully as
we did. The other installments were never paid; the Friars were
neither restricted in their acts of tyranny and oppression nor were
any steps taken to expel them or secularize the religious Orders;
the reforms demanded were not inaugurated, though the _Te Deum_
was sung. This failure of the Spanish authorities to abide by the
terms of the Treaty caused me and my companions much unhappiness,
which quickly changed to exasperation when I received a letter from
Lieutenant-Colonel Don Miguel Primo de Rivera (nephew and private
Secretary of the above-named General) informing me that I and my
companions could never return to Manila.
Was the procedure of this special representative of Spain just?
CHAPTER III
Negotiations
But I and my companions were not to be kept long in our distress,
grieving over the bad faith of the Spaniards, for in the month of
March of the year referred to (1898) some people came to me and in the
name of the Commander of the U.S.S. _Petrel_ asked for a conference
in compliance with the wishes of Admiral Dewey.
I had some interviews with the above-mentioned Commander, _i.e._,
during the evening of the 16th March and 6th April, during which the
Commander urged me to return to the Philippines to renew hostilities
against the Spaniards with the object of gaining our independence,
and he assured me of the assistance of the United States in the event
of war between the United States and Spain.
I then asked the Commander of the _Petrel_ what the United States
could concede to the Filipinos. In reply he said: "_The United States
is a great and rich nation and needs no colonies_."
In view of this reply I suggested to the Commander the advisability
of stating in writing what would be agreed to by the United States,
and be replied that he would refer the matter to Admiral Dewey.
In the midst of my negotiations with the Commander of the _Petrel_ I
was interrupted by letters from Isabelo Artacho and his solicitors, on
the 5th April, claiming $200,000 of the money received from the Spanish
authorities, and asserting that he (Artacho) should receive this
sum as salary due to him while acting as Secretary of the Interior,
he having been, it was alleged, a member of the Filipino Government
established in Biak-na-bato. These letters contained the threat
that failure to comply with the demand of Artacho would result in
him bringing me before the Courts of Law in Hongkong. It may make the
matter clearer if I mention at this point that Isabelo Artacho arrived
at Biak-na-bato and made himself known to and mixed with the officers
in the revolutionary camp on the 21st day of September, 1897, and was
appointed Secretary of the Interior in the early part of November of
that year, when the Treaty of Peace proposed and negotiated by Don
Pedro Alejandro Paterno was almost concluded, as is proved by the
fact that the document was signed on the 14th of December of that year.
In the light of these facts the unjust and unreasonable nature of
the claim of Artacho is easily discernable, for it is monstrous to
claim $200,000 for services rendered to the Revolutionary Government
during such a brief period.
Moreover, it is a fact that it was agreed between ourselves (the
leaders of the Revolution assembled in Biak-na-bato) that in the
event of the Spaniards failing to comply with each and every one of
the terms and conditions of the Agreement the money obtained from
the Spanish Government should not be divided, but must be employed in
the purchase of arms and ammunition to renew the war of independence.
It is therefore evident that Artacho, in making this preposterous
demand, was acting as a spy for the enemy, as an agent of General Primo
de Rivera, for he wanted to extinguish the rebellion by depriving its
organizers and leaders of the most indispensable element, the "sinews
of war," which is money. This was the view, too, of the whole of my
colleagues, and it was resolved by us that I should leave Hongkong
immediately and thereby avoid the litigation which Artacho seemed
bent upon and thereby afford my companions time and opportunity to
remove this new and wholly unexpected barrier to the realization of
our cherished plans for the emancipation of our beloved fatherland. I
am profoundly pleased to say that they succeeded, Artacho withdrawing
the suit through a transaction.
In accordance with the decision of the meeting above referred to, I
left Hongkong quietly on the 7th April, 1898, on board the steamship
_Taisany_, and after calling at Saigon I reached Singapore as a
passenger by the s.s. _Eridan_, landing there as secretly as possible
on the 21st April. I at once proceeded to the residence of one of
my countrymen.
Thus is explained the cause of the interruption of the vitally
important negotiations with Admiral Dewey, initiated by the Commander
of the _Petrel_.
But "Man proposes and God disposes" is a proverb which was verified
in its fullest sense on this occasion, for, notwithstanding the
precautions taken in my journey to avoid identification yet at
4 o'clock in the afternoon of the day I arrived at Singapore an
Englishman came to the house in which I was residing and in a cautious
manner stated that the United States Consul at that port, Mr. Spencer
Pratt, wished to have an interview with Don Emilio Aguinaldo. The
visitor was told that in that house they did not know Aguinaldo;
this being the prearranged answer for any callers.
But the Englishman returned to the house several times and persisted
in saying that it was no use trying to conceal the fact of Aguinaldo's
arrival for Consul Pratt had received notice from Admiral Dewey of
General Aguinaldo's journey to Singapore.
In reply, the Consul said he would telegraph about this matter to
Admiral Dewey, who was, he said, Commander-in-Chief of the squadron
which would invade the Philippines, and who had, he also stated,
full powers conferred on him by President McKinley.
Between 10 or 12 in the forenoon of the next day the conference was
renewed and Mr. Pratt then informed me that the Admiral had sent him
a telegram in reply to the wish I had expressed for an agreement in
writing. He said the Admiral's reply was--_That the United States
would at least recognize the Independence of the Philippines under
the protection of the United States Navy. The Consul added that there
was no necessity for entering into a formal written agreement because
the word of the Admiral and of the United States Consul were in fact
equivalent to the most solemn pledge that their verbal promises and
assurance would be fulfilled to the letter and were not to be classed
with Spanish promises or Spanish ideas of a man's word of honour. In
conclusion the Consul said, "The Government of North America, is a
very honest, just, and powerful government._"
Being informed of what had been said by the visitor I consented to
meet Consul Pratt, and had a strictly private interview with him
between 9 and 12 p.m. on 22nd April, 1898, in one of the suburbs
of Singapore. As soon as Mr. Pratt met me he said that war had been
formally declared by the United States against Spain the day before,
_i.e._, on the 21st April.
In the course of the interview alluded to, Consul Pratt told me that as
the Spaniards had not fulfilled the promises made in the Biak-na-bato
Agreement, the Filipinos had the right to continue the revolution
which had been checked by the Biak-na-bato arrangement, and after
urging me to resume hostilities against the Spaniards he assured
me that the United States would grant much greater liberty and more
material benefits to the Filipinos than the Spaniards ever promised.
I then asked the Consul what benefits the United States would confer
on the Philippines, pointing out at the same time the advisability
of making an agreement and setting out all the terms and conditions
in black and white.
Being as anxious to be in the Philippines as Admiral Dewey and the
North American Consul--to renew the struggle for our Independence--I
took the opportunity afforded me by these representatives of the United
States, and, placing the fullest confidence in their word of honour,
I said to Mr. Pratt (in response to his persistent professions of
solicitude for the welfare of my countrymen) that he could count upon
me when I returned to the Philippines to raise the people as one man
against the Spaniards, with the one grand object in view as above
mentioned, if I could take firearms with me to distribute amongst my
countrymen. I assured him that I would put forth my utmost endeavours
to crush and extinguish the power of Spain in the islands and I added
that if in possession of one battery of a dozen field-guns I would
make the Spaniards surrender Manila in about two weeks.
The Consul said he would help me to get over to the Philippines the
consignment of arms in respect of which I had made the preliminary
arrangements in Hongkong, and he added that he would at once telegraph
to Admiral Dewey informing him of this promise in order that the
Admiral might give what assistance laid in his power to make the
expedition in question a success.
On the 25th April the last conference was held in the United States
Consulate at Singapore. I was invited by the Consul to meet him on
this occasion and as soon as we met he said he had received a telegram
from the Admiral requesting him to ask me to proceed to Hongkong by
first steamer to join the Admiral who was then with his squadron in
Mir's Bay; a Chinese harbour close to Hongkong. I replied to this
proposal in the affirmative, and gave directions to my _aide-de-camp_
to at once procure passages for myself and companions, care being
taken that the tickets should bear the assumed names we had adopted
on the occasion of our journey from Hongkong to Singapore, it being
advisable that we should continue to travel _incognito_.
On the 26th April I called on Consul Pratt to bid him adieu on the eve
of my departure from Singapore by the steamship _Malacca_. The Consul,
after telling me that when I got near the port of Hongkong I would
be met by the Admiral's launch and taken from the _Malacca_ to the
American squadron (a precaution against news of my movements becoming
public property, of which I highly approved), then asked me to appoint
him Representative of the Philippines in the United States, there to
zealously advocate official recognition of our Independence. My answer
was, that I would propose him for the position of Representative of
the Philippines in the United States when the Philippine Government
was properly organized, though I thought it an insignificant reward
for his assistance, for, in the event of our Independence becoming
_un fait accompli_ I intended to offer him a high position in the
Customs Department, besides granting certain commercial advantages
and contributing towards the cost of the war whatever sum he might
consider due to his Government; because the Filipinos had already
decided such a policy was the natural outcome of the exigencies of
the situation and could be construed only as a right and proper token
of the nation's gratitude.
But to continue the statement of facts respecting my return to Hongkong
from Singapore: I left Singapore with my A.D. Cs., Sres Pilar and
Leyba, bound for Hongkong by the s.s. _Malacca_, arriving at Hongkong
at 2 a.m. on the 1st May, without seeing or hearing anything of the
launch which I had been led by Consul Pratt to expect to meet me near
the entrance of Hongkong harbour. In response to an invitation from
Mr. Rounsevelle Wildman, United States Consul at Hongkong, I wended
my way to the United States Consulate and between 9 and 11 p.m. of the
same day I had an interview with him. Mr. Wildman told me that Admiral
Dewey left for Manila hurriedly in accordance with imperative orders
from his Government directing him to attack the Spanish Fleet. He
was therefore unable to await my arrival before weighing anchor and
going forth to give battle to the Spaniards. Mr. Wildman added that
Admiral Dewey left word with him that he would send a gunboat to
take me across to the Philippines. In the course of this interview
with Mr. Wildman I spoke to him about the shipment of arms to the
islands which I had previously planned with him, and it was then
agreed among ourselves that he (Mr. Rounsevelle Wildman) and the
Filipino Mr. Teodoro Sandico should complete the arrangements for
the despatch of the expedition, and I there and then handed to and
deposited with them the sum of $50,000.
A steam launch was quickly purchased for $15,000, while a contract
was made and entered into for the purchase of 2,000 rifles at $7 each
and 200,000 rounds of ammunition at $33 and 56/100 per 1000.
A week later (7th May) the American despatch-boat _McCulloch_ arrived
from Manila bringing news of Admiral Dewey's victory over the Spanish
fleet, but did not bring orders to convey me to Manila. At 9 o'clock
that night I had another interview with Consul Wildman, at his request.
On the 15th of the same month the _McCulloch_ again arrived at
Hongkong from Manila, this time bringing orders to convey me and my
companions to Manila. I was promptly notified of this by Consul Wildman
who requested that we go on board the _McCulloch_ at 10 o'clock at
night on 16th May. Accompanied by Consul Wildman, the Captain of the
_McCulloch_, and Mr. John Barrett (who then usually styled himself
"ex-Secretary of the United States Legation in Siam") we boarded an
American steam launch and proceeded to Chinese Kowloon Bay, where the
_McCulloch_ was anchored. While bidding us adieu Mr. Barrett said he
would call on me in the Philippines, which he did later on in Cavite
and Malolos.
Mr. Wildman strongly advised me to establish a Dictatorship as soon
as I arrived in the Philippines, and he assured me that he would use
his best endeavours to have the arms already contracted for delivered
to me in the Philippines, which he in fact did. [It is to be observed,
though, that the first expedition having been conducted satisfactorily,
the arms reaching me in due course, I was naturally grateful and
had confidence in the sincerity and good faith of Consul Wildman,
and there was nothing surprising therefore in the fact that I asked
him to fit out another expedition and caused the sum of $67,000 to
be deposited with him for that purpose. I regret to state, however,
that Mr. Wildman has failed to comply with my request and I am informed
that he refuses to refund the money.]
The _McCulloch_ left Hongkong at 11 a.m. on the 17th May and arrived
off Cavite (Manila Bay) between noon and 1 p.m. on the 19th idem. No
sooner had the _McCulloch_ dropped anchor than the Admiral's launch,
carrying his Adjutant and Private Secretary, came alongside to convey
me the flagship _Olympia_, where I was received with my Adjutant
(Sr. Leyba) with the honours due to a General.
The Admiral ushered me into his private quarters, and after the
exchange of the usual greetings I asked _whether it was true that
he had sent all the telegrams to the Consul at Singapore, Mr. Pratt,
which that gentleman had told me he received in regard to myself. The
Admiral replied in the affirmative, adding that the United States had
come to the Philippines to protect the natives and free them from
the yoke of Spain. He said, moreover, that America is exceedingly
well off as regards territory, revenue, and resources and therefore
needs no colonies_, assuring me finally that _there was no occasion
for me to entertain any doubts whatever about the recognition of the
Independence of the Philippines by the United States_. Then Admiral
Dewey asked me if I could induce the people to rise against the
Spaniards and make a short, sharp, and decisive campaign of it.
I said in reply that events would speak for themselves, but while
a certain arms expedition (respecting which Consul Wildman was duly
informed that it would be despatched from a Chinese port) was delayed
in China we could do nothing, because without arms every victory
would assuredly cost us the lives of many brave and dashing Filipino
warriors. The Admiral thereupon offered to despatch a steamer to hurry
up the expedition. (This, be it borne in mind, in addition to the
General orders he had given the Consul to assist us to procure arms
and ammunition.) Then he at once placed at my disposal all the guns
seized onboard the Spanish warships as well as 62 Mausers and a good
many rounds of ammunition which had been brought up from Corregidor
Island by the U.S.S. _Petrel_.
I then availed myself of an early opportunity to express to the
Admiral my deep gratitude for the assistance rendered to the people
of the Philippines by the United States, as well as my unbounded
admiration of the grandeur and beneficence of the American people. I
also candidly informed the Admiral that before I left Hongkong the
Filipinos residing in that colony hold a meeting at which the following
question was fully discussed, namely, _the possibility that after the
Spaniards were defeated, and their power and prestige in the islands
destroyed, the Filipinos might have to wage war against the United
States owing to the American Government declining to recognize our
independence. In that event the Americans, it was generally agreed,
would be sure to defeat us for they would find us worn out and short
of ammunition owing to our struggle with the Spaniards. I concluded
by asking the gallant Admiral to excuse me for an amount of frankness
that night appear to border on impudence, and assured him of the
fact that I was actuated only by a desire to have a perfectly clear
understanding in the interest of both parties._
_The Admiral said he was very glad to have this evidence of our
earnestness and straightforwardness and he thought the Filipinos and
Americans should act towards one another as friends and allies, and
therefore it was right and proper that all doubts should be expressed
frankly in order that explanations be made, difficulties avoided,
and distrust removed; adding that, as he had already indicated_, _the
United States would unquestionably recognize the Independence of the
people of the Philippines, guaranteed as it was by the word of honour
of Americans_, _which, he said, is more positive, more irrevocable than
any written agreement, which might not be regarded as binding when
there is an intention or desire to repudiate it, as was the case in
respect of the compact made with the Spaniards at Biak-na-bato. Then
the Admiral advised me to at once have made a Filipino National
Flag, which he said he would recognize and protect in the presence
of the other nations represented by the various squadrons anchored
in Manila Bay, adding, however, that he thought it advisable that we
should destroy the power of Spain before hoisting our national flag,
in order that the act would appear more important and creditable in
the eyes of the world and of the United States in particular. Then
when the Filipino vessels passed to and fro with the national flag
fluttering in the breeze they would attract more attention and be
more likely to induce respect for the national colours_.