The Life of Hugo Grotius written by Charles Butler

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Notwithstanding the general loftiness, and overbearing nature, of his
manners, it appears, particularly from M. de Rullhieres[084] (6.) that
the Cardinal, acted on this occasion, with great moderation, and
recommended to his royal master, a similar line of moderation, in all
his conduct, towards his Protestant subjects.

II. 3.

The Cardinal's project, was suspended, by his decease; and resumed,
under _Lewis the Fourteenth_. In 1662, a plan, drawn up by M. le Blanc
de Beaulieu, a professor of Divinity, at Sedan, singularly esteemed,
both by the Roman Catholics, and Protestants, by which the essential
articles, in dispute, were reduced to a small number, was adopted, by
the Court, to serve as the basis of discussion. It was resolved, that
different synods of Protestant ministers, should be convened; that
these, should be composed, of ministers of known moderation, and pacific
views, and the articles, drawn up by M. le Blanc de Beaulieu, presented
to them. Three years were employed, in negotiations for effecting this
project: several ministers in the lower Languedoc, and the Isle of
France, expressed themselves, in terms favourable, to the measure, but
the synod of Charenton, took the alarm, and the project, was abandoned.

The Revocation of the Edict of Nantes, a measure equally unwise, and
unjust, too soon followed. It is more to be attributed, to his ministers
and advisers, than to Lewis the Fourteenth himself. From the
_Eclaircissemens Historiques_ of M. de Rullhieres, and the life of
Bossuet, by M. Bausset[085], it seems evident, that Lewis the
Fourteenth, had been induced, to believe, that the number of Protestants
was much smaller; that the conversions of them, would be much more
rapid, general, and sincere; and that the measures, for hastening their
conversion, would be much less violent than they really were. It is also
due, to the monarch, to add, that from the authors, whom we have cited,
it is evident, that when he began to perceive the true state, of the
transaction, though from false principles of honour, and policy, he
would not revoke the edict, he wished it not to be put into great
activity, and checked the forwardness, of the Intendants general in its
execution.

It is whimsical, (if on so serious a subject such a word may be used),
that the dragonade, or employment of the dragoon troops, in forcing the
conversion, of the Hugonots, was owing to the wish of Louvois, the
minister, of Lewis the Fourteenth, to become himself, a missionary.
Observing how much the apparent success, of the missionaries,
recommended them, to Lewis the Fourteenth, he began to consider them as
dangerous rivals for the favour of his royal master, and determined,
therefore, to become himself, a principal performer. With this view, he
instituted the dragoon missions, and thus brought a material part, of
the work of conversion, into the war department.

II. 4.

The death of Lewis, and the known disposition of the Regent, appeared to
the Protestant party, in France, to afford a proper opportunity of
recovering their rights. Duclos, in his _Memoires secrets sur les regnes
de Louis XIV. et de Louis XV_., says, that the Regent himself wished to
restore the Protestants, to their civil rights, but was dissuaded by his
council. Still, he seldom permitted the edicts against them to be
executed; and speaking generally, the Protestants seem to have suffered
no active persecution in any part of the reign of Lewis, the XVth. One
intolerable grievance, however, they unquestionably suffered in every
part of it. Their religious principles did not permit them to be married
by a Roman Catholic priest, in the manner prescribed by the law of the
state, and that law did not recognize the legal validity of a marriage,
celebrated in any other form. The consequence was, that in the eye of
the law, the marriage of Protestants was a mere concubinage, and the
offspring of it illegitimate. To his immortal honour, _Lewis the XVIth_,
by his edict of the 17th of November, 1787, accorded to all his
Non-catholic subjects the full and complete enjoyment of all the rights
of his Roman-catholic subjects. On a division in the Parliament, this
edict was registered by a majority of 96 votes against 16.

The persecution of the Hugonots in consequence of the revocation of the
Edict of Nantes, was condemned by the greatest men in France. M.
d'Aguesseau, the father of the celebrated chancellor, resigned his
office of Intendant of Languedoc rather than remain a witness of it: his
son repeatedly mentions it with abhorrence. Fenelon, Flechier, and
Bossuet,[086] confessedly the ornaments of the Gallican church, lamented
it. To the utmost of their power, they prevented the execution of the
edict, and lessened its severities, when they could not prevent them.
Most sincerely lamenting and condemning the outrages committed by the
Roman Catholics against the Protestants at Nismes, as violations of the
law of God and man, but doubting of the nature and extent, which some
have attributed to them, the writer of these pages begs leave to refer
to the sermon preached on them by the Reverend James Archer, a Roman
Catholic priest, and printed for Booker, in Bond-street, by the desire
of two Roman Catholic congregations, as expressing the doctrine of the
Roman Catholic church, and of all real christians on heretics and the
persecution of heretics.

III.

_The Correspondence of Bossuet and Leibniz, under the auspices of Lewis
the XIVth, for the Reunion of the Lutheran Protestants to the Roman
Catholic Church._

This correspondence forms one of the most interesting events in the life
of Bossuet; the letters, of which it consists, and the other written
documents, which relate to it, are highly interesting. We shall attempt
to present our readers with a short account--

1st. Of the circumstances which led to this correspondence;

2ndly. Of the Project of Reunion, delivered by Molanus, a Lutheran
Divine, and Bossuet's sentiments on that Project;

3dly. Of the intervention of Leibniz in the negotiation; and

4thly. Of the Project suggested by Bossuet, and the principal
reasons, by which he contended for its reception.

III. 1.

It appears that, towards the 17th century, the Emperor Leopold, and
several sovereign princes in Germany, conceived a project of re-uniting
the Roman Catholic and Lutheran churches. The Duke of Brunswick, who had
recently embraced the Roman Catholic religion, and published his _Fifty
Reasons for his conversion_, (once a popular work of controversy), and
the Duke of Hanover, the father of the first prince of the illustrious
house, which now fills the throne of England, were the original
promoters of the attempt. It was generally approved; and the mention of
it at the Diet of the Empire was favourably received. Some
communications upon it took place between the Emperor and the ducal
Princes: and with all their knowledge, several conferences were held
upon the subject, between certain distinguished Roman Catholic and
Protestant Divines. In these, the Bishop of Neustadt, and Molanus, the
Abbot of Lokkum, took the lead. The first had been consecrated Bishop of
Tina in Bosnia, then under the dominion of the Turks, with Ordinary
Jurisdiction over some parts of the Turkish territories. His conduct had
recommended him to Innocent the XIth, and that pope had directed him to
visit the Protestant states in Germany, and inform him of their actual
dispositions in respect to the Church of Rome. In consequence of this
mission, he became known to the Emperor, who appointed him to the See of
Neustadt, in the neighbourhood of Vienna. Molanus, was Director of the
Protestant Churches and Consistories of Hanover. Both were admirably
calculated for the office intended them, on this occasion. Each
possessed the confidence of his own party, and was esteemed by the
other; each was profoundly versed in the matters in dispute; each
possessed good sense, moderation, and conciliating manners; and each had
the success of the business at heart, with a fixed purpose, that
nothing, but a real difference on some essential article of doctrine,
should frustrate the project.

The effect of the first conferences was so promising, that the Emperor
and the two Princes resolved, that they should be conducted in a manner
more regular, and more likely to bring the object of them to a
conclusion. With this view, the business was formally entrusted by both
the princes to Molanus alone, and the Emperor published a rescript,
dated the 20th March, 1691, by which he gave the Bishop of Neustadt full
authority to treat, on all matters of religion, with the states,
communities, and individuals of the empire, reserving to the
ecclesiastical and imperial powers, their right to confirm the acts of
the Bishop, as they should judge adviseable. Under these auspicious
circumstances, the conference between the Bishop of Neustadt and Molanus
began.

But, before the events which we have mentioned took place, a
correspondence on the subject of a general reunion between Catholics and
Protestants had been carried on for some time, between Pelisson and
Leibniz. The former held a considerable rank among the French writers,
who adorned the reign of Lewis the Fourteenth; the latter was eminently
distinguished in the literary world. In the exact sciences, he was
inferior to Newton alone; in metaphysics, he had no superior; in general
learning, he had scarcely a rival. He had recommended himself to the
Brunswick family, by three volumes, which he had recently published, on
the Antiquities of that illustrious House; and was then engaged in the
investigation of its Italian descent, and early German shoots. The
result of it, under the title of _Origines Guelphicae_, was published,
after his decease, by Scheidius, and is considered to be a perfect model
of genealogical history. He was also thoroughly conversant in the
theological disputes of the times; and in all the questions of dogma,
or history, which enter into them.

His correspondence with Pelisson, came to the knowledge of Louisa,
Princess Palatine, and Abbess of Maubrusson. She was a daughter of
Frederick, the Elector, and Count Palatine of the Rhine, and a sister,
of the Duchess of Hanover. In early life, she had been converted to the
Roman Catholic religion, and had the conversion of her sister, very much
at heart. With this view, she sent to her, the correspondence between
Leibniz and Pelisson, and received from her an account of what was
passing, between the Bishop of Neustadt, and Molanus. Both the ladies
were anxious, to promote the measure, and that Bossuet should take in
it, the leading part, on the side of the Catholics. This was mentioned
to Lewis the Fourteenth, and had his approbation. The Emperor and both
the Princes, by all of whom Bossuet, was personally esteemed, equally
approved of it, and it was finally settled that Bossuet and Leibniz,
should be joined, to the Bishops of Neustadt, and Molanus, and that the
correspondence with Bossuet, should pass through the hands of Madame de
Brinon, who acted, as secretary to the Abbess of Maubrusson, and is
celebrated, by the writers of the times, for her wit and dexterity in
business. Thus the matter assumed, a still more regular form, and much
was expected from the acknowledged talents, learning, and moderation of
the actors in it, and their patrons.

III. 2.

The conferences between the Bishop of Neustadt, and Molanus continued
for seven months, and ended in their agreeing on 12 articles, to serve
for the basis of the discussion, on the terms of the reunion.

The Bishop of Neustadt, communicated these articles to Bossuet. He
seems, to have approved of them generally, but to have thought, that
some alteration in them, was adviseable. This being mentioned to
Molanus, he published his _Cogitationes Privatae_, a profound and
conciliating dissertation. Without entering into any discussion, on the
points in dispute, between the churches, he suggested in it a kind of
truce, during which, there should be ecclesiastical communion between
them: the Lutherans, were to acknowledge the Pope, as the first of
Bishops, in order, and dignity: the Church of Rome, was to receive the
Lutherans, as her children, without exacting from them, any retractation
of their alledged errors, or any renunciation, of the articles in their
creed, condemned by the Council of Trent. The anathemas of that council,
were to be suspended, and a general council was to be convened, in which
the Protestants were to have a deliberative voice: the sentence of that
council, was to be definitive, and, in the mean time, the members of
each party, were to treat the members of the other, as brethren, whose
errors, however great they might appear, were to be tolerated, from
motives of peace, and in consideration, of their engagements to abandon
them, if the council should pronounce against them. To show the
probability of a final accommodation, Molanus notices, in his
Dissertation, several points, in which one party imputed to the other
errors, not justly chargeable on them; several, on which they disputed,
merely for want of rightly understanding each other; and several, in
which the dispute was of words only.

It appears that the Bishop of Neustadt, communicated this dissertation,
to Bossuet, and that Bossuet was delighted, with the good sense,
candour, and true spirit of conciliation, which it displayed. In his
letters he frequently mentions the author, and always in terms, Of the
highest praise. His own language was equally moderate and conciliating.

"The Council of Trent," he says in one of his letters,
"is our stay; but we shall not use it to prejudice the cause. This
would be, to take for granted, what is in dispute between us. We
shall deal more fairly with our opponents. We shall make the
council serve, for a statement, and explanation, of our doctrines.
Thus, we shall come to an explanation, on those points, in which
either of us imputes to the other, what he does not believe, and in
which we dispute, only because we misconceive each other. This may
lead us far; for _the Abbot of Lokkum, has actually conciliated the
points so essential, of Justification, and the Eucharist: nothing
is wanting in him, on that side, but that he should be avowed. Why
should we not hope to conclude, in the same manner, disputes, less
difficult, and of less importance? Cela se peut pousser si avant,
que M. l'Abbe de Lokkum, a concilie, actuellement les points si
essentiels, de la justification, et du sacrifice de l'Eucharistie,
et il ne lui manque de ce cote la, que de se faire avouer. Pourquoi
ne pas esperer de finir, par les memes moyens, des disputes, moins
difficiles, et moins importantes?"_

With these rational and conciliatory dispositions, Bossuet, and Molanus,
proceeded. But, after this stage of the business, Molanus disappears,
and Leibniz comes on the scene.

III. 3.

A Letter, written by Bossuet to M^me de Brinon, having been communicated
by her to Leibniz, opened the correspondence between him and Bossuet. In
that letter, Bossuet declared explicitly, that the Church of Rome, was
ready, to make concessions, on points of discipline, and to explain
doctrines, but would make no concession in respect to defined articles
of faith; and, in particular, would make no such concession, in respect
to any which had been defined by the Council of Trent. Leibniz's Letter
to M^me de Brinon, in answer to this communication, is very important.
He expresses himself in these terms;

"The Bishop of Meaux says,

"1st. That the Project delivered to the Bishop of Neustadt, does not
appear to him quite sufficient;

"2dly. That it is, nevertheless, very useful, as every thing must
have its beginning:

"3dly. That Rome will never relax from any point of doctrine,
defined by the church, and cannot capitulate, in respect to any
such article;

"4thly. That the doctrine, defined in the Council of Trent, is
received in and out of France by all Roman Catholics;

"5thly, That satisfaction may be given to Protestants, in respect to
certain points of discipline, or in the way of explanation, and
that this had been already done in an useful manner, in some
points, mentioned in the Project of the Bishop of Neustadt.

"These are the material propositions, in the letter of the Bishop of
Meaux, and I believe all these propositions true. Neither the
Bishop of Neustadt, nor those who negotiated with them, make any
opposition to them. There is nothing in them, which is not
conformable to the sentiments of those persons. The third of them
in particular, which might be thought, an obstacle, to these
Projects of Accommodation, could not be unknown to them; one may
even say, that they built on it."

It seems difficult to deny, that, in this stage of the business, much
had been gained to the cause of reunion. The parties were come to a
complete understanding on the important articles of Justification, and
the Eucharist; and it was admitted, both by Leibniz, and Molanus, that,
in their view of the concern, an accommodation might be effected,
between the Roman Catholic, and Lutheran churches, though the former,
retained all her defined doctrines, and, in particular, all her
doctrines, defined by the Council of Trent. The question then was, what
should be done in respect to the remaining articles in difference
between the churches? It is to be wished, that it had been left to
Bossuet, and Molanus, to settle them, in the way of amicable
explanation, in which they had settled, the two important articles,
which we have mentioned. It is evident, from the passages, which we have
cited, from Bossuet, that it was his wish, that the business should
proceed on that plan, and that he had hopes of its success.
Unfortunately, the business took, another direction: Leibniz proclaimed,
that after every possible explanation should be given, the Lutheran
church would, still retain, some articles, contrary to the defined
doctrines, of the Church of Rome, and anathematized, by the Council of
Trent. To remove the final effect of this objection, Leibniz held out
Molanus's first project, that the Lutherans should express a general
acquiescence, in the authority of the church, and promise obedience, to
the decisions of a General Council, to be called, for the purpose of
pronouncing, on these points; and that, in consequence of these
advances, on their part, the anathemas of the Council of Trent, should
be suspended, and the Lutherans received, provisionally, within the
pale, of the Catholic church. To bring over Bossuet to this plan, he
exerted great eloquence, and displayed, no common learning.

III. 4.

But the eloquence, and learning, of Leibniz, were without effect. In
language, equally temperate and firm, Bossuet, adhered to his text,
that in matters of discipline, or any other matter, distinct from faith,
the Church of Rome, would show the utmost indulgence to the Lutherans;
but that, on articles of faith, and specifically, on those propounded by
the Council of Trent, there could be no compromise. This, however, he
confined to articles of faith alone: and even on articles of faith, he
wished to consult the feelings of Protestants, as much as possible. He
offered them every fair explanation of the tenets of the council; he
required from them no retractation, of their own tenets:

"Molanus," he says, "will not allow retractation to be mentioned.
It may be dispensed with; it will be sufficient, that the parties
acknowledge, the truth, by way of declaration or explanation. To
this, the Symbolical Books, give a clear opening, as appears by the
passages, which have been produced from them, and will appear, by
other passages, which may be produced from them."

If Bossuet was thus considerate, in what regarded faith, it will easily
be supposed, how indulgent his sentiments were, in respect to all, that
merely regarded discipline. A complete confession of faith, being once
obtained from the Lutherans, he was willing, to allow them, if they
required it, communion under both kinds; that their Bishops, should
retain their Sees; and that, where there was no Bishop, and the whole
body of the people, was Protestant, under the care, of a superintendant,
_that_ superintendant, should be consecrated their Bishop; that, where
there was a Catholic Bishop, and a considerable part of the diocese, was
Lutheran, the superintendant, should be consecrated priest, and invested
with rank, and office, that the Lutheran ministers, should be
consecrated priests; that provision should be made for their support;
that such of their bishops, and ministers, as were married, might
retain their wives, and that the consciences of those, who held
possessions of the church, should be quieted, except in respect, to
hospitals, whose possessions he thought, could not conscientiously be
withheld, from the poor objects of their foundations; and that every
other arrangement should be made, by the church and state, which would
be agreeable, to the feelings, and prejudices, of their new brethren.

Such were the advances made by Bossuet; and much discussion on them,
took place, between him, and Leibniz. It continued ten years. They are
very learned, and a scholar will read them with delight; but,
unfortunately, they rather retarded, than promoted, their object. The
real business ended, when Molanus quitted the scene. We shall close this
article, with the following extract from the last letter but one,
written by Bossuet, on the subject. It is addressed to Leibniz, and
bears date the 12th August, 1701, ten years, after his first letter, on
it was written:

"Among the divines of the Confession of Augsburg, I always placed
M. Molanus, in the first rank, as a man, whose learning, candour
and moderation made him one of the persons, the most capable I have
known, of advancing the NOBLE PROJECT OF REUNION. In a letter,
which I wrote to him some years ago, by the Count Balati, I assured
him, that, if he could obtain, the general consent of his party, to
what he calls, his Private Thoughts, _Cogitationes Privatae_, I
promised myself, that, by joining to them, the remarks, which I
sent to him, on the Confession of Augsburg, and the other Symbolic
writings of the Protestants, the work of the Reunion would be
perfected, in all its most difficult and most essential points; so
that well disposed persons might, in a short time, bring it to a
conclusion."

The passage is so important, that it is proper to present it to the
reader in Bossuet's own words.

"Parmi les Theologiens de la Confession d'Ausbourg, j'ai toujours
mis, au premier rang, M. l'Abbe de Lokkum, comme un homme, dont le
scavoir, la candeur, et la moderation le rendolent un des plus
capables, que je connusse, pour avancer CE BEAU DESSEIN. Cela est
si veritable, que j'ai cru devoir assurer ce docte Abbe, dans la
reponse que je luis fis, il y a deja, plusieurs annees, par M. le
Comte Balati, que s'il pouvoit faire passer ce qu'il appelle ses
Pensees Particulieres _Cogitationes Privatae_, a un consentement
suffisent, je me promettois qu'en y joignant les remarques, que je
lui envoyois, sur la Confession d'Ausbourg, et les autres ecrits
Symboliques des Protestans, l'ouvrage de la Reunion seroit acheve
dans ses parties les plus difficiles et les plus essentielles; en
sorte qu'il ne faudroit a des personnes bien disposees, que tres
peu de tems pour la conclure[087]."

Dom. de Foris, the Benedictine Editor of the new edition of the works of
Bossuet and the Abbe Racine, _Abrege de l'Histoire Ecclesiastique_[088]
are very severe in their censures of the conduct of Leibniz in the
negotiations for the Reunion, and attribute its failure to his
presumption and duplicity. To the writer of these pages, it appears
clear, that Leibniz was sincere in his wishes for the reunion; and that,
if he occasioned its failure, it was unintentionally. While the
business was in the hands of Bossuet, and Molanus, it was a treaty, not
for the reunion of the Roman Catholic church, and all Protestant
churches, but for the reunion of the Roman Catholic church, and the
Lutheran church; and to this, Molanus's endeavours to reconcile
differences, were directed. Leibniz, whose principles in religion, were
much wider, than those of Molanus, seems to have wished, that the
negotiation should be placed, on a broader basis, and extended to a
reunion of the church of Rome, with every denomination of Christians.
This gave the negotiation a different direction, and in a great measure,
undid what had been, so happily begun. We have seen, that, to the very
last, Bossuet, called out for Molanus, and entertained great hopes,
that, if the matter were left to Molanus, and him, the noble Project of
Reunion, would be crowned with success. There is no part of Bossuet's
literary or active life, in which he appears to greater advantage, or in
a more amiable light, than on this occasion.

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