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The Life of Hugo Grotius written by Charles Butler

C >> Charles Butler >> The Life of Hugo Grotius

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Upon the decease of William III. a general wish to discontinue the
stadtholderate was expressed in most of the provinces; those of Holland,
Zealand, Utrecht, Gueldres, and Overyssell, came to a formal resolution
to this effect They recognised the supreme power of the States General,
and conferred the direction of their political concerns on Heinsius, the
actual Grand Pensionary, a person of great learning, uncommon talents
for business, and acknowledged integrity.

[Sidenote: XIV. 2. John William Count of Nassau Diets, 1702-1711;
William IV. 1711-1749.]

As testamentary heir of William III., John-William assumed the title of
Prince of Orange: he died in 1711, without having exercised the power of
the stadtholderate, except in the province of Frizeland.

The war of the succession terminated in 1713, by the peace of Utretcht:
it was succeeded in 1715 by the Barrier Treaty, and in 1719 by the
Quadruple Alliance, ever memorable for the triumphant campaigns of
Marlborough, by which it was followed. The pensionary Heinsius died in
1720. In his life-time, several weak attempts had been made, in
different provinces, to restore in them the stadtholderate. They
succeeded only at Gueldres; and even there, it was restored with great
limitations.

Upon the decease of Prince William-John, his rights and pretensions
descended to Prince William, his son. In 1733, he married Mary, the
daughter of George II. of England. This strengthened his cause; but the
general spirit of the United Provinces was so averse to the
Stadtholderate, that it was not till the invasion of Holland, by the
French, in 1747, that the prince's party judged it advisable to bring
forward his claim. At first they met with resistance, but finally
prevailed, and Prince William of Orange became the sole Stadtholder of
every province: until his time each of the provinces of Frizeland and
Groningen had its particular Stadtholder. The dignities of Captain
General and Admiral were also conferred on him; and, in addition to
these, some rights and privileges which no former Stadtholder had
enjoyed.

The reverses of the United Provinces continued, and the aggrandisement
of the Stadtholderate increased proportionally. As yet William IV. had
no male issue. In 1748, the Orange faction proposed that the
Stadtholderate should be declared hereditary; and that, in default of
males, females should be admitted into the succession. After some
opposition the measure was carried in all the provinces, except
Frizeland and Groningen. From this time the United Provinces ceased to
be a republic, and became a monarchy, limited by the antient usages and
institutions. William IV. died in 1749.







XIV. 3.

_From the Death of William IV. till the Erection of the Kingdom of the
Netherlands_.

1749-1815.


At the death of William IV. William, his son, and afterwards his
successor in the Stadtholderate, was an infant, in very tender years.
His mother was named by the states Governess of the United Provinces.
She appointed the Duke of Brunswick to the command of their armies;
thus, after all their exertions and sacrifices for liberty, the United
Provinces became subject to the government of an English princess and a
German prince; and an English party became predominant in their
politics; William V. married a princess of Prussia, and thus the Orange
party was strengthened by Prussian influence.

[Sidenote: XIV. 3. From the death of William IV. till the erection of
the Kingdom of the Netherlands.]

These opposite, and conflicting interests, filled every province, with
dissension; and, on some occasions, armed one body of citizens against
another. The English party, sided with the Orange faction; the French,
with the republicans. At first the latter prevailed; they led the states
into measures, which forced England to declare war against them. In
1782, they acknowledged the independence of the United States of
America. Still, the dissensions continued. After a long conflict, the
republican party acquired the ascendant; they suspended the Prince of
Orange from his functions, and filled all the principal places of trust
with their own adherents. But the Orange party soon rallied; the Duke of
Brunswick entered Holland at the head of a victorious army, and, in
1787, re-established the Stadtholderate.

[Sidenote: CHAP. XIV. 1749-1816.]

His victorious career, was soon terminated. In 1799, the revolutionary
army of France made themselves masters of the whole territory of the
United States; and established _The Batavian Republic_. It was
successively governed, but always under the overpowering controul of
France, by a Convention, a Directory, and a Consul, with the appellation
of Grand Pensionary. In 1806, even these forms of her antient government
were abolished; Napoleon sending Louis, one of his brothers, to reign
over the United Provinces, with the title and powers of royalty; but
with an intimation, that France was entitled to his first attentions and
a priority of duty. The demands of Napoleon for attentions and duties
were so exorbitant, that rather than be instrumental in the infliction
of the miseries which a compliance with them must occasion, Louis
resigned his throne. Napoleon then incorporated the United Provinces
into his empire, "as an alluvion," for such he termed them, "to the
Rivers of France." Scenes of the most grinding oppression followed: the
Batavians were relieved from it by the fall and abdication of Napoleon.

[Sidenote: XIV. 3. Establishment of the Kingdom of the Netherlands.]

Before this event, William V. died, leaving a son, called from his
pretensions to the stadtholderate, William VI. We have seen that, on the
death of the Emperor Charles V. all the seventeen provinces, composing
the Netherlands, devolved to Philip II. his son; the successful
defection of the Seven United Provinces has been mentioned; the ten
remaining provinces were afterwards transferred to the House of Austria,
and were inherited by the Emperor Joseph II. The French made an easy
conquest of them in an early stage of the Revolution.

We now reach the ultimate fate of both the divisions of the Netherlands.
The congress of Vienna, by an act of the 9th June 1815, created and
conferred upon this prince, THE KINGDOM OF THE NETHERLANDS, consisting
of the seventeen provinces, and a portion of Luxemburgh. It is
confessedly the first among the kingdoms of the second order.


* * * * *


It was our wish to present our readers with a sketch of the literary
history of the Netherlands, during the period treated of in this
chapter; but after most diligent and extensive searches, both in the
British and foreign markets, we have not been able to discover materials
for it; persons of acknowledged learning, both in Germany and the
Netherlands, have assured us that no such history exists.


* * * * *




APPENDIX

I.

REFERRED TO IN PAGE 188.

SOME ACCOUNT OF THE FORMULARIES, CONFESSIONS OF FAITH, OR SYMBOLIC
BOOKS, OF THE ROMAN CATHOLIC, GREEK, AND PRINCIPAL PROTESTANT CHURCHES.


The constitutions of the Roman Catholic, and Protestant Churches, differ
in nothing more, than in the following important points: The Catholic
Church, acknowledges the authority of the Scriptures, and, in addition
to them, a body of traditionary law. She receives both under the
authority, and with the interpretation of the Church, and believes that
the authority of the Church in receiving and interpreting them is
infallible. The Protestant Churches generally profess to acknowledge no
law but the Scriptures, no interpreter of the Scriptures, but the
understanding and conscience of the individual who peruses them.

That the Roman Catholic Church should propound a formulary of her faith,
enlarge this formulary from time to time, as further interpretation is
wanted, and enforce acquiscence in it by spiritual censures, is
consistent with _her_ principles. Whether such a pretension can be
avowed, without inconsistency, by any Protestant Church, has been a
subject of much discussion. In point of fact, however, no Protestant
Church is without her formulary, or abstains from enforcing it by
temporal provisions and spiritual censures. To enforce their formularies
by civil penalties, is inconsistent with the principles, of every
christian church. All churches howsoever have so enforced, and have
blamed the others, for so enforcing them.

Such formularies, from the circumstance of their collecting into one
instrument, several articles, of religious belief, are generally known
on the Continent, by the appellation of SYMBOLIC BOOKS.


I. The symbolic books, received by ALL TRINITARIAN CHRISTIAN
CHURCHES,--are,

1. _The Symbol of the Apostles_; and

2. _The Nicene Symbol_.


II. The symbolic books, received by the ROMAN CATHOLIC Church,--are,

1. The General Councils;

2. Among these,--_the Council of Trent_,--as immediately applying
to the controversies between the Catholic and Protestant Churches,
is particularly regarded;

3. _The Symbol of Pope Pius IV_.;

4. _The Catechism of the Council of Trent_.


III. The symbolic books of the GREEK CHURCH,--are,

1. _The Confession, of her true and sincere faith_, which, on the
taking of Constantinople, by Mahomet II, in 1453, Gennadius, its
patriarch, presented to the conqueror;

2. _The Orthodox Confession, of the Catholic and Apostolic Greek
Church_, published in 1642, by Mogilow, the Metropolitan of Kiow.


IV. The symbolic books of the LUTHERAN CHURCHES, are

1. _The Confession of Augsburgh_;

2. _The Apology of the Confession of Augsburgh_;

3. _The Articles of Smalcald_;

4. _And_, (in the opinion of some Lutheran Churches),--_The Form of
Concord_;

5. _The Saxon, Wirtenburgian, Suabian, Pomeranian, Mansfeldian,
Antwerpensian, and Copenhagen Confessions_, possess, in particular
places, the authority of Symbolic books:--the two first are
particularly respected.


V. The symbolic books of the REFORMED CHURCHES. The reformed Church, in
the largest extent of that expression, comprises all the religious
communities, which have separated from the Church of Rome. In this
sense, it is often used by English writers: but, having, soon after the
Reformation, been used by the French Protestants to describe their
church, which was Calvinistic, it became, insensibly, the appellation of
all Calvinistic churches on the Continent. The principal symbolic books
of these churches,--are,

1. _The Confession of the Helvetian Churches_;

2. _The Tetrapolitan Confession_,--signed by the four cities of
Strasburgh, Constance, Memmingen, and Lindau;

3. _The Catechism of Heidelbergh_;

4. _The Gallic Confession of Faith_;

5. _The Belgic Confession of Faith_;

6. _The Canons of the Council of Dort_.


VI. The symbolic books of the WALDENSES,--are,

_Their original and reformed Creeds_.


VII. The symbolic books of the _Bohemians_,--are,

1. _The Confession of faith of the Calixtines and Taborites_,
signed at the Synod of Cuttenburgh in 1541;

2. _The Confession of the faith of the Bohemians_,--inserted in the
"Harmony of Confessions," published at Cambridge in 1680.

3. _The Consent of faith at Sendomer_.


VIII. The symbolic book of the ARMINIANS,--is

_The Declaration of the Remonstrants_, drawn up by Episcopius, and
signed in 1622.


IX. The symbolic book of the SOCINIANS is _The Catechism of Racow_;--the
best edition of it was published in 1609, reprinted at Frankfort, in
1739. An English translation of it has been published by Mr. Rees.


X. The UNITARIANS have no symbolic book. To Doctor Lardner's _Letter on
the Logos_ they shew universal respect.


XI. The symbolic books of THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND,--are,

1. _The Theological Oaths_,--containing a Declaration of the belief
of the Monarch's spiritual supremacy;--and Declarations against
Transubstantiation,--the invocation of Saints,--and the sacrifice
of the Mass;

2. _The Thirty-nine Articles_.


XII. The symbolic book of the ENGLISH AND SCOTTISH PRESBYTERIANS,--is

"_The Articles of Religion_ approved and passed by both Houses of
Parliament after advice had with an assembly of divines, called
together for that purpose." These were sent into Scotland, and
immediately sanctioned by the General Assembly, and Parliament of
that kingdom; and thus became a law of the Church and State.


XIII. The symbolic books of the Anabaptists may be said to be,--

THEIR SEVERAL CONFESSIONS OF FAITH:--Five were published at
Amsterdam, in 1675, in one volume 8vo.


XIV. The symbolic books of the Quakers,--are,

1. _Barclay's Catechism and Confession of Faith_, published in
1675;

2. His _Theses Theologicae_;

3. His _Apology_,--a logical demonstration of the propositions in
the Theses. It was translated into almost every language and
presented to all the ministers assembled at Nimeguen;

4. But some persons assert that the real doctrines of the Quakers
are more easily discoverable from _The Christian Quaker and his
divine testimony, vindicated by Scripture reason and authorities
against the injurious attempts that have been lately made by
several adversaries_.--This work appeared in 1674; the first part
of it was written by Penn, the second by Whithead, one of his most
distinguished disciples.


XV. It may be added, that the symbolic book of the Jews,--is

_The Schelosch aikara ikkarim,--the Thirteen Articles of Faith_
framed by Rabbi Moses Ben Maimon in the 12th century: it is
frequently inserted in the Jewish prayer books. Sebastian Munster
published it with a Latin translation and an abridgment of the
History of Josephus, in one vol. 8vo. at Worms in 1529.

Many Christian Catechisms have been translated into Hebrew for the
benefit of the Jews.


* * * * *


An historical and literary account of all these Confessions of Faith,
and of several works and circumstances connected with them, is attempted
to be given, by the Author of these pages, in his "_Historical and
Literary Account of the Formularies, Confessions of Faith, and Symbolic
Books, of the Roman Catholic, Greek, and principal Protestant
Churches._"

THE SYLLOGE CONFESSIONUM printed at the Clarendon Press in 1804,
contains the _Professio Fidei Tridentinae, Confessio Helvetica,
Augustana, Saxonica, Belgica_."

"The Harmony of the Confessions of the Faith of the Christian and
Reformed Churches" published at Cambridge in 1586, 8_vo_. attempts to
reconcile the Confession of Augsburgh, the Confession of the Four
Cities, the Confession of Basle, the first Confession of Helvetia; the
Confession of Saxony, the Confession of Wirtemburgh, the French
Confession, the English Confession, the latter Confession of Helvetia,
the Belgic Confession, and that of Bohemia.

On the general subject, _Walchius's Bibliotheca Theologica Selecta_, may
be usefully consulted.







APPENDIX II.

REFERRED TO IN PAGE 188.

ON THE REUNION OF CHRISTIANS.


The attempts, made at different times for the re-union of Christians,
are the subject of a learned and interesting work, published at Paris,
with the title of "_Histoire critique des projets formes depuis trois
cents ans pour la Reunion des communions Chretiennes, par M. Tabaraud,
ancien Pretre de L'Oratoire, Paris_, 1824." An excellent sketch of these
attempts had been previously given by _Doctor Mosheim, in his
Ecclesiastical History, Cent. XVI. Ch. III. sect. 3. part 2. c. 1. and
Cent. XVII. Cha. I. sect. 2. p_. 1. To these publications the reader is
referred:--the present Essay may be found to contain,

I. A general view of the attempts made after the Reformation, to
unite the Lutheran and Calvinist churches:

II. Some account of the Attempts made at different times by the
sovereigns of France for the conversion of their protestant subjects:

III. The correspondence of Bossuet and Leibniz, under the auspices of
Lewis the Fourteenth, for the reunion of the Lutheran Churches to the
Church of Rome:

IV. Some account of an attempt made in the reign of George the First,
to reunite the Church of England to the Church of Rome:

V. And some general remarks on the Reunion of Christians.







I.

_Attempts made to unite the Lutheran, and Calvinist Churches._


The great division of Protestant Churches is, into the Lutheran, and
Calvinist communions. The Abbe Tabaraud relates in the work, which we
have just cited, not fewer than fifteen different attempts to effect a
reunion of their churches. In reading his account and that given by
Mosheim of these attempts, the writer thinks that, on each side, there
was something to commend and something to blame. It seems to him, that
the Lutherans deserve credit for the open and explicit manner, in which,
on these occasions, they propounded the tenets of their creed to the
Calvinists; that the conduct of the Calvinists was more liberal and
conciliating; but that, on the other hand, the conduct of the Lutherans
towards the Calvinists, was generally repulsive, and sometimes deserving
a much harsher name; while the conduct of the Calvinists, was sometimes
chargeable, with ambiguity.

"It was deplorable," says Mosheim, (Cent. xvii. sect. 2. part 2.
art. 3.) "to see two churches, which had discovered, an equal
degree of pious zeal, and fortitude, in throwing off the despotic
yoke of Rome, divided among themselves, and living in discords,
that were highly detrimental, to the interests of religion, and the
well-being of society. Hence, several eminent divines, and leading
men, both among the Lutherans, and Calvinists, sought anxiously,
after some method, of uniting the two churches, though divided in
their opinions, in the bonds of Christian charity, and
ecclesiastical communion. A competent knowledge, of human nature,
and human passions, was sufficient, to persuade these wise, and
pacific mediators, that a perfect uniformity in religious opinions,
was not practicable, and that it would be entirely extravagant, to
imagine that any of these communities, could ever be brought, to
embrace universally, and without limitation, the doctrines of the
other. They made it, therefore, their principal business, to
persuade those, whose spirits were inflamed with the heat of
controversy, that the points in debate between the two churches,
were not essential, to true religion;--that the fundamental
doctrines, of Christianity, were received, and professed, in both
communions; and that the difference of opinion, between the
contending parties, turned, either upon points of an abstruse, and
incomprehensible nature, or upon matters of indifference, which
neither tended, to make mankind wiser, or better, and in which the
interests of genuine piety, were in no wise concerned. Those, who
viewed things in this point of light, were obliged to acknowledge,
that the diversity of opinions, between the two churches, was by no
means, a sufficient reason, for their separation; and that of
consequence, they were called, by the dictates of that gospel,
which they both professed, to live, not only in the mutual
exercise, of Christian charity, but also to enter, into the
fraternal bonds, of church communion. The greatest part, of the
reformed doctors, seemed disposed, to acknowledge, that the errors
of the Lutherans, were not, of a momentous nature, nor of a
pernicious tendency; and that the fundamental doctrines of
Christianity, had not undergone, any remarkable alteration, in that
communion; and thus, on their side, an important step, was made,
towards peace, and union, between the two churches. But the
greatest part of the Lutheran doctors declared, that they could not
form, a like judgment, with respect, to the doctrine, of the
Reformed churches; they maintained tenaciously, the importance of
the points, which divided the two communions, and affirmed, that a
considerable part of the controversy turned upon the fundamental
principles, of all religion, and virtue. It is not at all
surprising, that this steadiness and constancy of the Lutherans,
was branded by the opposite party, with the epithets, of morose
obstinacy, supercilious arrogance, and such like odious
denominations. The Lutherans, were not behind hand with their
adversaries, in acrimony, of style; they recriminated with
vehemence, and charged their accusers with instances of misconduct,
different in kind, but equally condemnable. They reproached them
with having dealt disingenuously, by disguising, under ambiguous
expressions, the real doctrine of the Reformed churches; they
observed further, that their adversaries, notwithstanding their
consummate prudence and circumspection, gave plain proofs, on many
occasions, that their propensity to a reconciliation, between the
two churches, arose from views of private interest, rather than
from a zeal for the public good."

It is observable that Mosheim applies these observations to a late
stage of the reformation, when much of its first violence had subsided.

The nearest approach[080] to a reunion, between any Protestant
churches, seems to be that, which took place at Sendomer, in the year
1570.







II.

_Attempts for a Reunion of the Calvinist Churches to the See of Rome._


Having thus summarily noticed, the unsuccessful attempts, to effect an
union, between the Lutheran, and Calvinist churches, we proceed to a
similar summary mention of the attempts, equally unsuccessful, to effect
the reunion of the Calvinists, to the church of Rome, which were made,

1st, during the reign of Henry the Fourth:

2dly, during the reign of Lewis the Thirteenth: and

3dly, during the reign of Lewis the Fourteenth:

4thly, we shall afterwards notice, the Revocation of the edict of
Nantes, and the complete restoration of the protestants of France, to
their civil rights, in the reign of Lewis the Eighteenth.







II. 1.


An attempt to reunite the Calvinists to the church of Rome was made at
the celebrated Conference held at Poissi in 1561. In the work which we
have cited, the Abbe Tabaraud gives a short and clear account of this
conference. It failed of success, and a long civil war of religion
ensued. It was closed by the conversion of _Henry the Fourth_ to the
Roman Catholic religion. He was no sooner quietly seated on the throne,
than he conceived the arduous, but certainly noble project of pacifying
the religious contests of the world. It appears that he was induced to
entertain hopes of the success of this measure, by the assurances given
him by the Calvinist ministers, when his change of religion, was in
agitation, that salvation might be obtained in the church of Rome; and
from his expectation of finding a spirit of conciliation, and
concession, in the see of Rome.

"I have heard, from persons of distinction," says Grotius[081],
"that Henry the Fourth declared that he had great hopes of
procuring for the King of England, and the other protestant
princes, who were his allies, conditions, which they could not
honorably refuse, if they had any real wish of returning to the
unity of the church; and that he had once an intention of employing
bishops of his own kingdom on this project; but that this project
failed by his death."

It is said, that with these views he had sent for _Isaac Casaubon_, a
protestant divine of equal learning and moderation, and appointed him
his librarian; and that he intended confidentially employing him in
preparing means for the success of the measure, and smoothing the
obstacles which might impede its progress. Grotius[082] mentions, as a
saying of Casaubon, that "the catholics of France had a juster way of
thinking than the ministers of Charenton:" these were the most rigid of
the French Hugonot ministers. It is observable that the French
government always considered the Hugonots of a much more refractory
disposition than the Lutherans.







II. 2.


The pacific views of Henry the Fourth, were terminated by his decease.
The capture of la Rochelle by the arms of _Lewis the XIIIth_, was a
fatal blow to the political consequence of the Protestant party in
France. Cardinal Richelieu immediately set on foot a project, for the
general conversion, of the body: two persons, of very different
characters, were employed by him, in this measure; Father Joseph, a
capuchin friar, the confident, of all the cardinal's political and
private schemes, and Father P. Dulaurens, an oratorian, who lived in
retirement, wholly absorbed in the exercises of religion. They began
the work of reunion by holding frequent conferences, on an amicable
footing, with several of the protestant ministers; and it was resolved,
that, with the permission of the pope, and the authority of the king, an
assembly, should be convened, of ecclesiastics of each communion. Father
Dulaurens, recommended that the intended communications with the
ministers, should not take place, till they reached, the capital; but,
the cardinal, thought it more advisable, that the ministers, should be
separately informed, of the project, before they left the provinces. It
was accordingly communicated to them, and favourably received, by the
ministers, of Languedoc, and Normandy, but met with an unfavourable
reception, from the ministers of Sedan. It was resolved, that the
assembly, should meet, and begin their deliberations, with the
differences in the opinions, of the two churches, respecting the
Sacraments. Father Dulaurens recommended, that for some time, at least,
the Bible, even in the Calvinist version, of Olivetan, should be the
only book appealed to, on either side, as authority: but the Cardinal
insisted, on a resort to tradition. Grotius mentions that in several
articles, (as communion under both kinds, and the invocation of saints),
the Cardinal was willing, that concessions, should be made to the
Protestants; and suggested, that, as a medium, to reconcile them to the
Pope, a patriarchate should be established, in France, and he himself,
be the first patriarch[083].

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